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Soon enough I learned how to play both parts: the emissary and the prince he represents.

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While the whole arrangement at first seemed complicated eventually I saw the benefits. Whereas when you have a diplomatic go-between doing an introduction it makes the whole thing a social affair.

Things worked the same way in Italy. He could only do that if he actually knew someone in the grupetto. In fact I figured out that part of what made a person desirable was how big his little qun was. Having a group of people around you made it look like you were someone everyone wanted to be around. It also made it seem like you knew everybody at the bar and had arrived at that mysterious social level where you no longer met guys in bars but only at private parties and VIP-style events.

Being popular often means less scraps of paper with phone numbers in the mother-of-pearl box. This is when I started to notice the difference between American guys and Italian guys. How about you? Where do you live?

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New Yorkers are so direct. Italians know how to romance you. They do this by trying to confuse you. They do this on purpose to see how it makes you react.

If you get angry they know that you like them and so they keep on doing it so they can enjoy seeing how tortured you get. My boyfriend Adriano was always the one who did it to me, try to make me jealous. But once when I started to feel like he was losing interest in me, I decided to pretend I was cking out other guys. Big mistake. Adriano lost his temper and accused me of being unsteady in my love for him. I begged and pleaded, and got to the verge of crying. Even when I initiated the game of jealousy, it was always him who got proof of my affection.

Another thing that was different about Italians was there was no such thing as dating. Of course this thrilled me, because I had only been out with Adriano three times, and he was always making a point of how he thought every guy in the world was hot except me, which left me really confused about our dating status.

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But now I had confirmation from my Italian friends that Adriano and I had flown past the whole dating thing and were now, well, engaged. Suddenly I found the way he was trying to make me jealous all the time charming, because we were officially fidanzati. After Italy I came to London. I had a boyfriend for a year and a half but he was Spanish, which perhaps puts him in the Mediterranean category like all the Italians, although actually Jon was Basque, which puts him in a category all his own.

There was one guy with a musta who was really handsome. So I asked him:. I was ready to marry him. From his Twitter page there was a link to his blog, and that was what really turned me on. I loved the way he wrote. Of course not everyone puts his Twitter handle on his Scruff profile. A lot of guys put their Instagram handle. The difference between Twitter and Instagram for me is like the difference between picture books and non-illustrated books.

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I think the same thing happens with dating. No more picture-book guys for me. But the difference between gay dating now and 13 years ago is that before I used to pick up guys by saying I liked their sneakers. Now I pick up guys by saying I like how they write. The Internet is good for something.


As recently as four months ago, Amy Pridgen, a lifelong Texan, had no plans to ring in the New Year 1, miles away, much less to navigate her way through Pennsylvania snowstorms to move into a new home in Pittsburgh. But love can bring lots of surprises.

Pridgen, 36, made the move from San Antonio to be with her partner, Rhea Whitfield, whom she met in a chat room in October. Pridgen says the decision to move in together weighed heavily on both women, but both are absolutely certain that it's the right decision.

I've found my all-in-all. It gives a couple a bit of a head start. Skip to content. Take risks Meeting guys involves putting yourself out there, feeling vulnerable, making mistakes, and suffering the occasional rejection. The Legal Rights of Widows B. The Effects of Dower 1.

Dower and Testamentary Freedom 3. Dower and Marriage's Shadow C. Woman's Rights Activists' Attack on Dower 1. Dower and the Suffrage Movement 2. The Equality Argument Against Dower 3. The Reform Process 1. Inheritance Law and the Meaning of Marriage 2. Marriage and Sex Equality B. The Feminist Fight for Dower Reform 1.

Reform in the Postsuffrage Decade 2. The Origins of the McGlone Case 2. Framing the Problem of Poor Widows B. After Dower VI. In fact, one strand of twenty-first-century "welfare reform" identifies weaknesses in the institution of marriage as a root cause of women's poverty and, thus, proposes to fix marriage as a public policy solution to the problems faced by poor women, 1 If only more women could be brought within marriage's protective domain, politicians reason-both by getting more women to marry, and also by strengthening the core meaning of marriage as a life-long social and, especially, economic commitment-fewer women would live in poverty.

Critics of government programs promoting marriage, by contrast, denounce this logic. Government policies, they posit, must tackle directly the crisis of female poverty, locating both its causes and its potential solutions in, for example, education and labor policies, rather than deflecting discussions of women's financial needs into the private family.

These differing visions emerge from clashing conceptions of the proper relationship among women, the family, and the state. Proponents of marriage-promotion policies presume that the institution of marriage, if properly constructed, would do a prodigious amount of economic work: Marriage could and would provide for women's economic needs within the family unit.

If more women would get married and stay married, the logic runs, individual men-newly cast in their proper husbandly roles-would provide for the financial needs of their wives, as well as those of their wives' children. Good husbands, therefore, would play a mediating role between women's material needs and the state's limited economic resources by privatizing wives' needs within the family. In so doing, they dispute both marriage's ability to guarantee that women's economic needs are sufficiently met, as well as the normative appeal of a vision of governance premised on a gendered model of male providers and female dependents within the nuclear family.

Beyond signaling the contested nature of contemporary welfare policies, the terms of the debate over marriage-promotion policies point to the complex relationship between marriage and unmarried women.

To the extent that discussions over marriage-promotion policies turn on competing understandings of marriage, those understandings are being forged through discussions of the social and economic status of women living outside of marriage. Lawmakers apparently presume that the ultimate test of marriage's robustness lies in its ability or inability to act as a prescriptive solution to the problems facing even women inhabiting the world outside of its formal borders.

After all, the proper role for marriage in welfare policy turns on what functions marriage-as a social, political, legal, and economic institution-can be expected to perform for those who legislators hope will enter into its domain in the future. Single women thus constitute the sociopolitical terrain on which lawmakers craft their descriptive and aspirational visions of marriage proper. This Article uses history to analyze and critique both the expansive model of marriage that underlies marriage's viability as the policy solution to female poverty, as well as the relationship between this expansive model and the legal regulation of single women.

Contemporary legal debates about the normative significance of female financial dependency-not only those conducted by legislators, but also those unfolding in writings by feminist theorists-largely esw a historical perspective. Thus, they treat marriage's public economic role and its political ramifications as a peculiarly modern phenomenon.

First, I tell the story of how the ideological functions of marriage-particularly, its imagined role in solving the problem of female economic dependency-have been extended to define and regulate the rights of unmarried women and their relationship to the state.

While scholars have long recognized the ways in which marriage has mediated the relationship between wives and the state, this Article argues that attention to the history of political discussions of female dependency makes visible another fundamental and, yet, overlooked feature of marriage's vast strength as a tool of public policy: Historically, marriage has functioned as a gnomon, the central pillar of a sundial, casting shadows outward and covering even women not formally under the law of coverture-the common-law system of husband-wife relations that "covered" a married woman's legal identity with her husband's identity-or more modernized forms of marital status law.

The legal regulation of unmarried women, in other words, has played a constitutive and contested role in legal constructions of the meaning of marriage, of women's rights within the family, and of the relationship between the family and the state.

Hendrik Hartog has argued that "[i]t is through separations, through close examination of struggles at the margins of marital life and marital identities, that we come to a historical understanding of core legal concepts: of wife, of husband, of unity.

The terrain of marriage's shadow is vast, and different groups of single women have inhabited disparate parts of it, by chance and by choice, for reasons ranging from the practical to the ideological. I analyze the shifting construction of widows' legal rights-particularly, the move away from dower, a widow's common-law inheritance right to a life estate in one-third of her deceased husband's real property-as a way to pin down for inspection marriage's often elusive shadow.

The legal treatment of widows thus serves as a case study of the relationship between marriage's sociolegal core and its remote periphery. Widows have long resided squarely in marriage's shadow, both socially and legally.

By definition, widows have existed formally outside of the marriage relationship: Their husbands have died and their marriages have, indisputably, ended.

Even under coverture, a widow was indisputably a single woman in the eyes of the law. In coverture's terms, she reassumed the status of feme sole as opposed to a feme covert, 10 Yet, discursively, the very appellation of "widow" has neatly tethered a woman semantically and ideologically to her deceased husband, thereby preserving her social and cultural wifely identity.

As a point of historical entry into marriage's legal shadow, widows hold a peculiar appeal. Widows are like many groups of single women in that, time and again, they have forced judges and legislators to confront the problem of female poverty.

Unlike other women living outside of marriage, however, widows have never been understood simply as "single women" with the cultural connotations of exclusion from, or rejection of, marriage. Focusing on the abolition of dower in New York inI argue that, when confronted repeatedly with the specter of widows in dire financial straits, lawmakers have refashioned marriage's shadow, hoping to return widows to their proper places as dependents within families with responsible albeit dead male providers.

Until now, wives, not widows or any women living outside of marriage, have been cast in the central, starting role in scholarly accounts of the relationship among marriage, the family, the state, and evolving norms of sex equality.

Both historians and legal scholars have looked to the legal regulation of the husband-wife relationship as the key to understanding the development of family law, women's claims to rights within the family and the larger polity, and the changing relationship between the family and the state.

Instead, classic historical accounts of dower's decline have focused on changing meanings of property rather than the family, positing that dower-which limited the alienability of married men's land by preserving a widow's one-third interest in real property transferred to a new owner-declined as a natural result of shifting understandings of real property in an expanding and increasingly productive national economy.

In so doing, I explicate the ideological stakes of extending marriage's reach to provide for the economic needs of some groups of unmarried women.

Then, in Part III, I turn to the history of dower and its demise, locating the regulation of widows' rights within the legal history of marriage and the family. The traditional, whiggish story of dower's demise-with its focus on the natural decline of antidevelopment forms of property regulation-obscures the ideological purposes served by dower, which played a critical role in defining the meaning and the reach of marriage, as well as the meaning of masculinity and femininity within the family.

The standard story of the shift away from dower also ignores a robust history of contestation over inheritance law based not on shifting understandings of property, but rather on evolving gender-conscious visions of marriage and the family. I argue that nineteenth-century woman's rights activists shaped their attack on dower in gender-salient terms that foreshadowed later discussions of dower reform in New York in the s, using a vocabulary that at once radically demanded sex equality within the family and, simultaneously, bolstered the traditional, class- and gender-salient model of the private, male-headed family with a dependent wife.

In Part IV, I analyze the statutory abolition of dower in New York inthe culmination of a lengthy legislative reform effort that garnered widespread attention and resulted in a constitutional challenge in the U. Supreme Court. I depict the lawmaking process as a conversation among lawmakers, feminist activists, and social observers about the various contested meanings of sex equality and marriage, as well as the proper relationship between women and the state.

In replacing dower with a facially sex-neutral elective share, which guaranteed to a widow or widower a certain share of her or his deceased spouse's real and personal property, New York's lawmakers understood themselves to be legislating what they explicitly termed "equality between men and women.

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That is, even as widows gained important rights with the demise of dower, the law held tight to dower's ideological as well as economic functions. In fact, when a constitutional challenge to New York's elective share statute read the U. Supreme Court inthe Court confirmed that, even after dower, marriage was a social and economic institution that necessarily extended beyond a husband's death even if he wished otherwise.

Part V argues that the model of marriage embraced by dower reform represented not only a rethinking of women's status within the family, but also an aspirational vision of the relationship between the family and the state.

In so doing, it bolstered the assumption that the state had no responsibility for her financial needs. Over time, however, as poor widows provided graphic evidence of dower's failure to fulfill its imagined provider function, lawmakers turned to inheritance law reform to reconstruct marriage according to their vision of marriage's posthumous power and its ability to coerce private economic support even for women living outside of marriage.

In evaluating this ct of dower reform, I theorize the relationship between private-law and public-law models of female support by juxtaposing the history of dower, the private solution to some widows' economic needs, with the history of mothers' pensions, the public solution to other widows' economic needs.

This constitutes a comparison of legislative approas to two very different groups of women: Dower's failings implicated primarily middle-class and wealthy women, whereas mothers' pensions addressed the needs of some of the most impoverished women. I reason across these groups not to minimize their class differences or their different levels of economic need and privilege, but rather to make visible a story about the relationship among women, marriage, and the state that transcends class differences.

The failure of dower thus implicated a much deeper critique of marriage as a viable model for women's support and exposed a fundamental tension within a model of the family that simultaneously embraced female support and male control as bedrock values. Lawmakers therefore turned to inheritance law reform to counter the destabilizing potential of critiques of dower by reproducing a fortified version of the traditional private family with widows at its core.

Finally, in Part VI, I offer a brief account of the ways in which the abolition of dower constituted the beginning of a general revision of the shape of marriage's shadow in New York. I conclude with a contemporary perspective on the ways in which, although the reach of marriage's regulatory shadow has changed since the early twentieth century, courts continue to use marriage as the normative framework for evaluating the legal worthiness of nonmarital relationships and, thus, for determining the legal rights of women living outside of marriage.

Moreover, even as the contemporary law of nonmarital relations allows women to seek legal rights without situating themselves within the shadow of marriage proper, lawmakers still look to marriage as a public policy tool capable of privatizing women's economic dependency. Thus, policymakers continue to imagine marriage as a mediating institution between women and the state.

Once again, by drawing links between historical discussions of dower and contemporary discussions of welfare reform, I seek not to minimize the class and race specificity of today's political discussions of female poverty, but rather to point to the ways in which marriage constitutes a regulatory system that seeks to reach women-married and unmarried-across boundaries of race and class. I conclude with these contemporary observations to point to the ways in which the history of dower and its demise constituted part of a story of both continuity and change with respect to unmarried women's relationships to the family and the state.

I therefore offer the history of dower reform in order to initiate a conversation about the ways in which marriage continues to regulate the legal rights and citizenship of unmarried women, as well as legal and social understandings of equal citizenship. I ground that conversation in the history uncovered in this Article-the history not only of dower's demise, but also, more broadly, of evolving forms of status regulation, feminist activism, and legislative and judicial approas to the family roles of male provider and female dependent.

This history provides a new framework within which to analyze the contemporary legal and political links between marriage and economic dependency, as well as the limits on sex equality imposed by a model of the relationship between the family and the state premised on marriage's ability to privatize women's material needs.

Ultimately, history should make us skeptical of contemporary claims, made by proponents of welfare policies promoting marriage, that marriage can serve as an effective policy tool to eliminate women's poverty. The law of the family, especially the common law of coverture, seems to demand that focus explicitly: Coverture's categories of feme covert and feme sole seemingly erected a clear dividing line between married women and unmarried women, figuratively covering only the former with a stunning array of status-defining legal restrictions.

Thus, coverture restricted only a married woman's ability to convey or devise property, enter into contracts, or file lawsuits. Since her legal identity was "covered" by that of her husband, the law presumed that he could perform those legal roles on her behalf if he so chose.

Even with coverture's gradual demise, married women remained a logical focus of analyses of the complex and often mediated relationship between women and the state. Long after the passage of married women's property acts beginning in the s and the passage of married women's earnings statutes later in the nineteenth century, married women's legal and political identities continued to be defined and limited by their marital status. Complicating the relationship among women, marriage, and the state were deep tensions between notions of subordination and protection.

Despite the obvious disabilities thrust upon wives, many of the legal restrictions defining the status of a married woman were coud in the language, not of restriction, but rather of marital protection. Marriage, in the eyes of the law, entailed a particular bargain albeit one the terms of which a woman was powerless to alter : In exchange for giving up certain rights, the law protected a married woman by requiring her husband to represent her legally and politically and to support her economically.

From the point of view of nineteenth-century lawmakers, married women-that is, the white, middle-class married women whom lawmakers considered-got the better of this bargain, gaining both the social status of marriage and the legal protections of coverture.

At the level of doctrine, unmarried women had no place in this peculiar bargain. Thus, the feme sole's legal identity was seemingly unconstrained by coverture's strictures; the feme sole, after all, lived outside of marriage and, therefore, from a doctrinal perspective, outside of the regulatory framework of marriage law. Likewise, as the bases of coverture shifted and evolved, formally uncovering the feme covert in various ways-for example, by allowing her to own property and to keep her earnings-subsequent incarnations of marital status law explicitly defined the rights and responsibilities of married women, while purporting to be silent on the legal status of unmarried women.

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Working within this framework, legal historians of the family have generally paid scant attention to unmarried women, implicitly treating them as exceptional and assuming that they stood outside of the bounds of legal regulation.

Despite the explicit boundaries between the legal rights of married and unmarried women, the law understood and constructed the social and legal status of many unmarried women in relation to marriage. In other words, even as they marked single women as outside the protective auspices of marriage, lawmakers and judges defined many unmarried women's legal rights by organizing them into intelligible, proximate relationships with the institution of marriage.

In so doing, they created the legal rules that constituted the muddled terrain of marriage's shadow: The doctrinal sites at which the law-its imagination bounded by marriage's normative paradigm of both private heterosexual relations and relations between women and the state-defined an unmarried woman's legal status, in one way or another, by virtue of her contiguous relationship to marriage. Lawmakers thus clung to the normative model of marriage as a template for defining the legal identities of some women who were explicitly outside of the formal and carefully demarcated boundaries of legal marriage.

Three areas of the law, the details of which varied from jurisdiction to jurisdiction, exemplified the contours of marriage's shadow in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries: the so-called "heartbalm actions" of breach of promise to marry and seduction, common-law marriage, and dower. Each of these three legal sites brought a different group of unmarried women within marriage's normative framework.

In so doing, the law deemed particular unmarried women's relationships worthy of legal recognition and thus allowed them to make financial claims on particular men's resources. Understanding these different doctrinal sites as comprising a coherent regulatory sme-rather than an unrelated assortment of common-law relics-is particularly important for making sense of the legal position of widows as unmarried women. Because, unlike other single women, widows were once wives, it is tempting to see dower, and inheritance law more generally, as simply just acknowledgments of widows' former status and their former formal relationship to marriage.

When viewed in the context of other common-law rules, however, a larger picture begins to emerge in which the legal regulation of widows resonates in a different register. Even if their social status as formerly married women differentiated widows from other women living outside marriage, the law constructed the parameters of widows' legal rights based on the same concerns and preoccupations that shaped the legal treatment of other single women.

The heartbalm tort actions of breach of promise to marry and seduction, for instance, allowed a single woman to sue a man who terminated their romantic relationship prior to an expected marriage ceremony.

By framing these relationships as necessarily on the way to marriage-and thus within the general social framework of marital relations, as opposed to any potentially subversive world outside of that framework-these actions entitled a single woman to claim monetary damages if her beau ended the relationship prior to the anticipated marriage.

Common-law marriage similarly defined formally nonmarital relationships as within the legal and social world of marriage. As I have explored elsewhere, the doctrine of common-law marriage transformed long-term, heterosexual, intimate, nonmarital relationships that "looked like marriages" into legal marriages. Finally, as I will analyze in the next Parts of this Article, dower and subsequent legal approas to widows' inheritance rights sought to prolong widows' legal identities as internal to the institution of marriage despite the absence of their deceased husbands.

Inheritance rights thus sought to define widows as wives, despite both their husbands' obvious absence and their formal legal status as unmarried women. These doctrinal sites-the heartbalm actions of seduction and breach of promise to marry, common-law marriage, and dower-benefited many women by granting them an impressive set of powerful rights and entitlements precisely by positioning them into legally recognized relationships to marriage.

In a legal system characterized by male privilege and prerogative, each of these doctrinal areas offered women powerful tools to acquire individual men's financial resources. In the antebellum era, after all, the very right to marry, or plausibly to make a legal claim to marriage's shadow, marked white women as citizens in sharp contradistinction to slave women, who were explicitly excluded from the privileges and protections of marriage law.

Moreover, by bringing women within marriage's normative domain, the assumptions about women's intimate identities underlying heartbalm actions, common-law marriage, and dower undoubtedly vindicated the subjective experiences of many unmarried women. No doubt, many women longed to live in marriage's emotional, social, and ideological shadow. Some women who brought actions for breach of promise to marry had truly thought of themselves as wives-to-be, and felt entitled to compensation for their lost expectations and dreams.

Similarly, some women who brought common-law marriage claims genuinely considered themselves wives within traditional marriages and were shocked-upon the death or disappearance of their husbands-to learn that their relationships were not legally recognized.

And, without question, some widows continued to identify themselves, emotionally and socially, as the wives of their deceased husbands. Just as surely, though, other women had conceived of their intimate lives in radically different terms, deliberately choosing not to marry or feeling liberated by their release from wifehood.

Regardless of women's particular subjective experiences, by bringing single women within marriage's normative framework, the laws anchoring marriage's shadow performed substantial ideological work that served the interests of a legal system committed to marriage's ability to define all forms of intimate identity and gender relations.

First, these doctrinal areas bolstered the view that only marital relationships-now broadly defined to include both formal marriages and many other marriage-like relationships-were worthy of legal recognition. This message had powerful consequences for women seeking financial support, the group that made up the plaintiff class in these actions.

In order to gain legal rights as a member of a relationship, these legal doctrines implicitly told women that they had to present their nonmarital relationship as marriage-like. Second, by narrowing the field of plausible legal claims, these areas of the law rendered legally invisible a woman's decision to live completely outside of marriage's normative structure, implicitly denying the possibility that couples wished to conduct their intimate relations in a social world completely apart from marriage.

At the very least, these laws precluded women from acknowledging any such intent if they wanted to invoke the protections of the law.

Through these legal rules, therefore, the law pulled single women into the confines of marriage, at least if they wanted the law to recognize them as rights-bearing members of intimate relationships. These actions, in other words, defined the boundaries of the law's concept of intimacy as coterminous with marriage's boundaries. In so doing, they denied the possibility of women's unbounded intimate imaginations, and thus their diverse intimate identities.

Finally, the legal rules responsible for casting broadly the reach of marriage's shadow played a critical role that was at once economic and ideological: They sought to contain the economic dependencies of many unmarried women within the conventional framework of marriage.

As Martha Fineman has analyzed, legislators have long imagined that marriage serves the critical social and political function of attaching dependent women to provider men, thereby creating "the mechanism through which we can avoid assuming collective or state-assumed responsibility for dependent members of our society.

Thus, formally unmarried women could make claims on the financial resources of particular men only by legally situating their relationships within marriage's shadow. No longer formally internal to marriage, widows nonetheless derived their social and legal status from what lawmakers perceived to be their proximate relationship to marriage.

In defining and redefining widows' rights, judges and legislators ossified the link between this group of unmarried women and the institution of marriage, stretching the meaning of marriage as well as its regulatory powers in ways that fortified marriage's dominion over not only widows, but also other groups of women living outside of formal marriage.

The Legal Rights of Widows Dower constituted "the core of the wife's entitlement under the old common law system. A woman's dower rights were deemed inchoate while her husband was alive, and, even after his death, her life estate precluded her from selling her interest in her share of her husband's land or even, in many states, improving the land in productive ways lest she run afoul of the common-law doctrine of waste. At common law, a husband acquired a right to the rents, profits, use, and enjoyment of any of his wife's property.

Women generally depended on their husbands for financial support during marriage to a far greater extent than men depended on their wives. Likewise, widows depended on their deceased husbands' property for support in a way that widowers, in general, did not depend on their deceased wives' estates. In addition to dower, a widow was entitled at common law to her "paraphernalia," that is "her beds and clothing, suitable to her condition in life.

In New York, for example, a widow was entitled to possess items seemingly considered constitutive of a woman's place in the home, including, for example, spinning wheels, weaving looms, stoves, the family Bible, family pictures, beds, silverware, and one teapot. Dower, after all, constituted a floor, not a ceiling.

As he saw fit, a man with means could always provide for his widow more generously by will. In either case, under the common law, a widow was entitled to claim her dower rights.

The Effects of Dower If dower often guaranteed a woman little concrete financial protection upon her husband's death, a wife's inchoate dower rights nonetheless had three significant effects, each of which contributed to the legal construction of men's and women's distinct roles within marriage, as well as the ideological foundations of the private family within the public order: 57 Dower altered the value of a husband's real property during his lifetime; limited a husband's testamentary freedom; and stretd coverture's sociolegal framework so that it read women living outside of marriage, that is, widows.

Dower, Land Transfers, and the Blurring of Separate Spheres Dower had its most easily recognizable impact on land values and transferability. By attaching to all real property that a man owned at any time during his marriage, even land that he sold, dower had the potential to diminish greatly the attractiveness of a married man's property to potential buyers.

By constraining the transferability of men's land, however, dower reflected the deep contradictions inherent in separate-spheres ideology, as well as the blurry, permeable boundary between the so-called private and public spheres. On the one hand, a wife's inchoate dower rights bolstered her conventional position as a dependent of her husband's economic largess, offering her little significant compensation for the vast loss of property and economic rights she experienced upon entering a marriage and, thus, the legal framework of coverture.

On the other hand, a wife's inchoate dower rights necessarily inserted her into her husband's market dealings over his real property, and even granted her some considerable potential ability to thwart his desired sales.

In this respect, through dower, the common law itself-the origin of coverture, the core legal instantiation of separate spheres-imported wives into the public sphere of the marketplace and made them necessary players in men's economic transactions.

In practice, after all, dower's doctrinal machinations threatened to separate a woman from her home by force if her dower rights were not settled by the time her so-called quarantine period ended. Dower therefore undermined the basic tenets of separate-spheres ideology by suggesting that the "woman's sphere" of the home was as thoroughly interlaced with men's economic rights as the "men's sphere" of the market was entangled with women's family roles.

Dower and Testamentary Freedom If dower's effects on land sales challenged a husband's absolute economic control of his family's interactions with the market, dower's limiting effects on a husband's testamentary freedom constituted yet a further incursion into cultural understandings of white, middle-class masculinity.

In this respect, dower again played a role that was at once economic and ideological by simultaneously constraining a married man's concrete ability to dispose of his property and also by circumscribing male freedom and property rights in light of the relationship between the private family and the state. By guaranteeing even a modest amount to widows, dower constituted a formal ck on husbands' absolute testamentary freedom.

The power of disposition is felt psychologically to constitute an essential element of power over property. Even if a man wrote his wife out of his will, dower wrote her back into his estate. As such, dower marked the nexus where competing visions of masculinity collided: the head of household as unconstrained master of his property, on the one hand, and the head of household as the compelled provider for his dependent wife, on the other.

When these male roles came into conflict-that is, when female support clashed with male control-dower powerfully dictated which role would triumph. The law guaranteed men would provide for their dependent women even if it limited their generally unconstrained decisional autonomy over their property and matters of resource allocation within their families.

Dower and Marriage's Shadow If a wife's inchoate inheritance rights during her husband's lifetime contributed to the complex sociolegal construction of white, middle-class masculinity as at once powerful and constrained within marriage, a widow's dower rights played an additional ideological role as well, thereby defining femininity as surely as they defined masculinity.

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Dower extended the normative structure of coverture beyond the end of a marriage. By perpetuating the wifely synthesis of protection and dependency, dower preserved a woman's socioeconomic and cultural status as a wife even beyond her husband's death. Just as marriage, at least in theory, privatized women's economic needs within the family, so too dower, in theory, provided for a widow's dependencies within that very same marriage framework.

Dower, in other words, sought to protect the public fisc from widows' financial demands just as coverture aimed to protect the public from wives' financial demands. Therefore, even as the law sought to preserve her wifely identity, a widow clearly constituted a feme sole, that is, a "woman alone. As such, the law of dower both constructed and reinforced the larger social identity of a widow as a wife-a woman internal to the institution of marriage as opposed to a single woman outside of that privileged relation-despite the fact that, like other single women, a widow had no husband.

Dower thus located widows in the legal shadow of marriage, creating the expectation-one generally accepted as common sense-that a widow's legal rights would be defined in relation to her no-longer-existent marriage to her deceased husband and that her financial demands would be met by him. The Standard Story of Dower's Demise Dower's dominance as the legal framework for widow's rights receded gradually over the course of the nineteenth century.

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As Linda Kerber has shown, immediately after the Revolution, some states began "free[ing] women's dower claims from their traditional protections. Despite this clear trend away from dower, surveying the array of reforms implemented by different states, Vernier noted his "feeling of disgust for the slipshod methods of lawmakers" confronted with the project of dower reform. In no field is there more evidence of haphazard, fragmentary legislation.

As Blackstone and many others after him bemoaned, "[T]he claim of the wife to her dower at the common law diffusing itself so extensively, it became a great clog to alienations. In New York, for example, between and the years leading up to dower's demise-a total of only nine actions were brought to admeasure dower.

According to the traditional story, land and economic development, not widows, captured the attention of commentators concerned with dower. Legal change occurred, in this account, because men wanted to develop their land, not because women contested dower's effects or its construction of the marriage relationship and the private family. It is thus generally assumed that dower's abolition both wrought and reflected a dramatic transformation in the legal and social regulation of property, but not in the meaning of widowhood or women's place within the family.

As one scholar has observed, perfectly capturing the moral of the standard tale of dower, "Dower was abolished because it was a clog on transactions and was replaced largely by rights against the deceased husband's will. Consequently, it did not have the same powerful redistributional and status-changing significance as did the married women's property acts.

Woman's Rights Activists' Attack on Dower A more robust story, however, can be told about dower's demise. This story broadens its focus to include not only altered social and legal conceptions of property, but also contested understandings of widowhood, marriage, and equality between the sexes. A quick preview of dower's demise in New York 97 -specifically, a brief glimpse ahead to the ceremony marking its legal end-immediately suggests that women's activism and debates about sex equality, absent as they are from the current legal history of dower, must constitute a part of any full account of dower's decline.

Fearon, thereby revising New York's inheritance law. In their place, section 18 of New York's new law replaced these common-law relics with the predominant modern inheritance legal regime: a gender-neutral "elective" or "forced" share. Under such a law, a wife who is left out of her husband's will can "elect" to inherit a fixed portion of his estate as though he had died intestate, thereby "forcing" him to provide posthumously for her support.

As members of the press and photographers crowded around him, Roosevelt suspended a hearing in progress on another legislative matter to affix ceremoniously his signature to this so-called "new charter. To understand how Roosevelt, Leach, and Kenyon all came to see the abolition of dower as a part of an emerging women's rights legislative agenda requires a foray into the history of the nineteenth-century woman's rights movement and its now-forgotten assault on dower and the common law of inheritance.

In turn, the history of nineteenth-century woman's rights activists' critiques of dower frames the critical questions that we should ask of the twentieth-century legislation: What is the meaning of sex equality within marriage, and how do laws regulating the rights of women outside of formal marriage define legal notions of equality within the family, as well as the relationship between the family and the state? Dower and the Suffrage Movement Surprisingly, social and legal historians of the American family have paid scant attention to dower and the ways in which inheritance law has governed women's lives, family choices, and relationships to marriage and the state.

But like laws regulating courtship, marriage, divorce, contraception, abortion, and child custody-all subjects that have received extensive attention in the last two decades from legally minded historians-dower and inheritance law have been critical legal sites for defining the institution of marriage, as well as women's social roles and legal rights within and outside the family.

A revitalized account of dower and its demise thus must begin with the recognition that Blackstone and other like-minded legal commentators were not alone in critiquing the institution of dower; nineteenth-century woman's rights activists also offered their own distinct critiques of the common-law inheritance system.

The extent of these women reformers' critiques of dower and dower's role in the legal agenda of the nineteenth-century woman's rights movement should not be exaggerated.

Dower hardly constituted the primary target of these reformers' efforts. As participants in the woman suffrage movement, these activists sought, first and foremost, women's formal political inclusion in public life through the franchise.

As historians have documented, though, suffrage activists understood marital status laws and family law generally as key parts of the political and legal system that constituted them as less than full citizens. I offer these argument fragments not to prove that dower in and of itself constituted a core grievance of the nineteenth-century woman's rights movement, but rather as the conceptual and intellectual antecedents for the later debates over the abolition of dower in New York and, particularly, for later feminist efforts to reform dower and the underlying structure of inheritance law in the pursuit of sex equality.

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Leaders of the woman's rights movement, of course, approad dower-as they approad all issues-from their position of relative class and race privilege. Recognizing their privilege and its attendant notions of entitlement and self-interest, however, should not obscure the perspicacity with which these reformers built a sex-equality agenda that included a critique of dower and inheritance law, marshaling evidence of widows' economic needs as support for their equal rights platform.

As their somewhat sporadic discussions of inheritance law reveal, nineteenth-century woman's rights activists offered two principal arguments against dower, both related to their larger critiques of marital status law, and both grounded in the recognition that inheritance law constructed the family and family roles. First, woman's rights activists offered a formal sex-equality argument based on the doctrinal differences between dower and curtesy, and, second, they argued that the common law of inheritance functioned as an orstrated assault on the private family and, especially, on the family home.

Read alongside one another, these arguments reveal a deep tension within woman's rights activists' reformist vision of the relationship between the law and the family, as well as a significant ambiguity in the meaning of equality within marriage. Their critiques of dower suggest that these reformers at once envisioned a dramatic transformation of the family-in which principles of sex equality would be imported into the marriage relationship-and simultaneously clung to a traditional vision of the private family and of women's entitlements within a family shielded from the law's intrusion.

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As Part IV will demonstrate, this uneasy synthesis foreshadowed the tensions inherent in the approach that New York's lawmakers would eventually adopt in choosing the broad language of sex equality to abolish the formal inequality of dower and curtesy while simultaneously protecting the fundamental structure of the private family with its traditional, gendered understandings of dependency.

Understanding dower reform in New York, however-especially its feminist component-first requires a look back to the pre- "feminist" days of the second half of the nineteenth century when suffragists created the first organized American movement for sex equality and, in so doing, challenged basic understandings of the relationship among women, the family, and the state.

The Equality Argument Against Dower No nineteenth-century woman reformer offered a fiercer argument for sex equality within inheritance law than Marietta Stow, perhaps the lone woman's rights activist who focused more intently on inheritance law than on suffrage. Stow publicly shared her tale-or, as she called it, her "casus belli"-in print and in numerous spees across the country.

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Before his death, however, and in her absence, he was forced through undue influence to appoint as executors of his estate men who drove the estate into insolvency, thereby ating Stow of substantial amounts of money. She grounded her critique of inheritance law, therefore, on the broader argument that "[w]omen should have the same protection in marriage as men.

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Like Stow, leading members of the nineteenth-century woman's rights movement-including, for example, such prominent suffrage activists as Lucy Stone and Elizabeth Cady Stanton-understood a critique of dower as integrally related to their larger critique of marriage's role in preserving women's unequal status. They understood, in other words, the reach and import of marriage's shadow, as well as the ways in which marriage's periphery defined its core: that the law's regrettable treatment of widows reflected the basic framework of marriage law and, moreover, that inheritance law reform had the potential to reform the institution of marriage itself.

When Lucy Stone and Henry Blackwell married infor example, they famously signed a contract denouncing the traditional male prerogatives and female disabilities that attad to legal marriage.

Among the core offenses inherent in coverture, Stone and Blackwell decried the "laws which give to the widower so much larger and more permanent an interest in the property of his deceased wife, than they give to the widow in that of the deceased husband.

In her very brief comments closing the woman's rights convention, Stone singled out only three quintessential examples of "distinctions which are made on account of sex [that] are so utterly without reason, that a mere statement of them ought to be sufficient to secure their immediate correction. Or why woman as a student, a wife, a mother, a widow, and a citizen, should be held at such a disadvantage?

In so doing, she explicitly called into question the boundary between the so-called private world of the family and the so-called public world of politics and the state. Women's second-class citizenship rights, she recognized, were rooted in their subordinate family roles, particularly their role within marriage. Similarly, Elizabeth Cady Stanton framed her critique of dower within a formal equality paradigm, recognizing that sex-differentiated inheritance rights were inextricably linked to larger structures of sex inequality and women's subordination.

At an New York woman's rights convention, in a speech subsequently sent to the New York state legislature, Stanton offered a lengthy description of the plight of widows left only with dower. Pointing to the formal sex-based differentiation as the core affront of the common-law system of inheritance rights, Stanton challenged her audience: "How, I ask you, can that be called justice, which makes such a distinction as this between man and woman? Men whose wives died, she argued, "ought to have the rental value of one-third of the woman's maiden property or real-estate, and it ought to be called the widower's dower.

It would be just as fair for one as for the other. All that I want is equality. In crafting sex-equality-based critiques, therefore, woman's rights activists dared to imagine a social and legal world different in kind from the common-law world of coverture.

Coverture-even as modified by married women's property acts and, later, married women's earning statutes -sought to craft separate legal worlds for men and women with sex-specific privileges and responsibilities. In the imagined world of woman's rights activists, by contrast, even within the deeply hierarchical legal and social framework of the family, men and women-husbands and wives, fathers and mothers, and widows and widowers-would be entitled to the same legal status and rights.

A radical vision of equal rights within a reconstructed, nonhierarchical legal family thus lay at the core of the woman's rights movement's equality agenda and its equality-based critique of dower. As Stanton argued, while many women said they possessed "all the rights I want," that was "entirely false. Will she tell you she has "all the rights she wants," as she points you to our statute laws, which allow the childless widow to retain a life interest merely in "one-third the landed estate, and one-half the personal property of her husband?

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The Family Privacy Argument Against Dower This version of Stanton's rights argument points to the second dominant rationale that woman's rights activists used to attack dower. Dower, they argued, initiated an invasive assault on the private family home. In addition to losing her husband, reformers observed, a widow's paltry legal rights under the common law meant that she usually lost her home as well. A widow had the right to remain in the family home for a short period of time after her husband's death; after that, however, her husband's heir had the right to evict her.

While it is hardly surprising that these elite women's imaginations remained somewhat bounded by the norms of their time, the conservative premises of their arguments based on the sanctity of women's place within the home contrast sharply with the prescient rhetoric of their equality platform.

Even as their equality agenda forced them to envision a radically restructured relationship between the sexes, woman's rights activists simultaneously marshaled arguments that reasoned from the existing normative model of the white, middle-class family: a model in which a particular man was responsible for a woman's financial support, even after his death, within the structure of marriage.

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